Progress Illinois

Cook County Board President Todd Stroger is not having a very good week. On Monday, court-appointed hiring watchdog Mary Robinson released a new report which found that the Stroger administration is violating its own anti-patronage policies by giving favored applicants a leg up.  (Specific practices include: providing test answers, waiving interview requirements, and ignoring criminal backgrounds.) Things got worse last night, when Cook County prosecutors subpoenaed some county financial records. What started as a probe into Stroger's controversial hiring of Tony Cole has apparently widened into what the Tribune is calling "questions about how the administration spent money and accounted for it."

As we wrote yesterday, reform in Cook County must begin at the top. To that end, board president candidate Toni Preckwinkle quickly released a statement this morning blasting Stroger and outlining how she would change the business of hiring if elected:

"Cook County government and its hiring process lack both transparency and accountability. Too often, county positions are not filled by the most qualified candidates, but by the most politically connected ones. Political influence in the hiring process has obstructed the efficiency of County government and strained the morale of County employees," said Preckwinkle. A candidate for Cook County Board President, Alderman Toni Preckwinkle (4th) has been vocal on the need to institute transparency and legitimacy in Cook County's hiring process, including all Shakman-exempt positions. [...]

"As Cook County Board President, I would work closely with hiring monitor Mary Robinson to ensure that policy practices are in place to prevent subversions of the decree." said Toni Preckwinkle. "Additionally, I will examine the hiring records over the last four years to determine if the Shakman decree has been honored."

As far as we know, none of the other Democratic candidates have statements out yet, but it is encouraging to see Preckwinkle take the lead.

As expected, Gov. Pat Quinn vetoed HB 7 this afternoon, the campaign finance bill the General Assembly passed this May. While Quinn testified in favor of the bill earlier in the year, even calling it "historic," he emphasized today that he always considered the bill imperfect. After good government groups, editorial boards, and other lawmakers aired out the legislation's major deficiencies, Quinn says October's veto session presents an opportunity for lawmakers to "go back and do it right."

All four legislative leaders attended the press conference and praised the governor's decision, but none provided specific examples of what portions of the law they'd like to see improved. Senate President John Cullerton came the closest, explaining that he and Sen. Don Harmon (D-Oak Park) have been talking with the CHANGE coalition (who endorsed the veto) about how best to close the loopholes on campaign contribution limits and enforcement. But Cullerton hedged on the details, telling the reporters that "I don't think we should negotiate here."

What's wrong with the bill? Plenty. Our post in May ran down many of the major problems, the most egregious being that contributions would be capped on an annual basis rather than by election cycle. Also, HB 7 did nothing to prohibit in-kind contributions by leadership committees and state parties. For more, check out the detailed series of criticisms over at the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform's blog.

Another concern of some unions and advocacy organizations that hasn't received as much attention is the bill's definition of "natural person." As written currently, the term seems to refer to individual donors. That could be important because HB 7 prohibits Section 527 organizations or PACs from running an independently-funded campaign but places no similar limits on wealthy individuals.

We will be sure to follow the negotiations as they unfold.

After one gubernatorial impeachment and months of negotiation, the Illinois Senate voted yesterday to limit some contributions to political candidates as part of a campaign-finance overhaul. Clearing the Senate by a 36-22 margin, largely along party lines, HB 7 is the first bill in state history to cap the amount of money political candidates can receive. Appearing before a House committee this morning, Quinn described the proposal as "historic."  But many of those pushing for campaign finance reform -- including the governor's own reform commission -- have pointed out the abundant loopholes.

The Sun-Times blasted the bill, saying that what the Senate "delivered, in reality, was squat." David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, told the Tribune that "any 2nd grader could figure out a way around" the restrictions.  But as the quote above indicates, Quinn seems ready to sign the bill.

Here's a brief run-down of the details.  Keep in mind that the contribution limits don't go into effect until January of 2011, after the next campaign cycle has concluded:

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Word out of Springfield this morning is that Senate President John Cullerton (D-Chicago) has pulled a series of ethics measures from today's docket.  The apparent reason, according to the Tribune: Republican lawmakers "offered to pick up recommendations from Quinn's reform panel that were at odds with what Democratic legislative leaders had proposed." Indeed, Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno -- who sponsored a $10,000 cap earlier this session -- has reportedly signed on to a bill to limit campaign contributions at $2,400, as the reform commission recommended.

Cullerton's move also comes as numerous editorial pages rejected the idea that the Senate Democrats' watered-down Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) amendment, weak campaign contribution caps, and rejection of legislative pay raises amount to real reform.  

Below is a sampling of editorial opinion from across the state.

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Over the past two days, the Tribune has unveiled a new series devoted to public transparency titled "Your Government in Secret." An article yesterday detailed the awful public records access in Illinois, which led Terry Mutchler to deem us "the worst state in the country when it comes to transparency and open records." Mutchler would know.  As the public access counselor under Attorney General Lisa Madigan, she advocated on behalf of citizens, watchdogs, and journalists when Freedom of Information Act requests were turned down or ignored. Mutchler has since moved on to a similar job in Pennsylvania and the state is yet to hire a replacement.

Even as Madigan tries to restore the public access office and expand its authority, the Tribune diligently points out why enforcement is no substitute for overhauling FOIA laws:

Government records routinely turned over at the front counters in many other states are routinely denied here -- the result of a notoriously weak open records law, an unsympathetic political culture and an attitude of disdain among many public servants who consider documents their own. [...]

The state's Freedom of Information Act has more pages devoted to what records you can't get than what you can, from public officials' personnel files to memos in which they express opinions.

In a separate article, the Tribune also takes aim at the Daley administration's resistance to transparency. If you've been following our municipal coverage, this indefensible pattern of secrecy should come as no suprise.  They recall unsuccessful efforts to learn more about the blue bag recycling program and the leasing of public assets, describing these government operations as "cloaked in secrecy." As a result, citizens remain largely in the dark about "how Daley really runs Chicago."

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After another gubernatorial indictment and months of hearings, Gov. Pat Quinn’s Illinois Reform Commission finally issued its 34 recommendations (PDF) for reforming Illinois government yesterday. Media outlets across the state quickly dug through the details and voiced their praise. The Tribune called the 88-page report "an impeccably researched and detailed assault on the culture that spawns so much corruption." The Sun-Times said the commission "has done a terrific job."

But now that the dust has settled, what did the group actually propose? And do their recommendations stand a chance of passage? Here's a quick rundown:

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In the wake of the Blagojevich scandal, many activists and civic-minded residents are hoping that 2009 is the year the Illinois General Assembly finally reforms the state's lax campaign finance laws. In January, we highlighted a batch of campaign finance reform measures that are being considered in Springfield. Today, the CHANGE Illinois coalition led a rally in downtown Chicago demanding that the legislature place a cap on campaign contributions. Below are some excerpts from the various speakers' remarks.

Illinois Campaign for Political Reform's Cindi Canary echoed her recent Progress Illinois column on why the Prairie State is a breeding ground for political corruption:

"Here we've got a system so wide open that that it's like a main thoroughfare with no stop light. For years we've been talking about the links between contributions and contracts. It's the biggest open secret in Illinois ... I have no doubt that we'll get reform. But will it be meaningful or will [elected officials] go after low hanging fruit?"

Rami Nashashiba, director of the Inner City Muslim Action Network :

"[Corruption] means much more to us in communities where families are struggling to get by. When the state of Illinois gets a corruption cold, it's us that gets the bone-chilling flu ... Without political integrity there's not political will to do what's right."

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Back in January, Gov. Pat Quinn used his first executive order to bring the Illinois Reform Commission (IRC) -- an independent ethics panel he created as Lt. Governor to devise a blueprint for state political reform -- under the office of the governor. Two months later, former federal prosecutor Patrick Collins and his fellow commission members have made their initial recommendations public. The Tribune has the specifics. Here are a few highlights:

*Establish campaign contribution limits of $2,400 from individuals; $5,000 from special interest groups, organized labor and corporations; and $50,000 from party committeess to statewide candidtaes

*Extend a "pay to play" ban regarding state contracts and campaign contributions to the General Assembly.

*Ban contributions from lobbyists and trusts altogether.

*Hold primary elections in June, closer to the November general election, to cut down on costs and length of campaigns.

*Set up a test project for taxpayer financing of campaigns.

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He must have realized that sending out a press release yesterday saying he "accepted" Al Sanchez' federal conviction wasn't really sufficient.  From the Tribune:

A day after a federal jury convicted his former Streets and Sanitation commissioner of corruption charges, the mayor read a statement at a news conference.

"I want to say to the people of Chicago that I understand this is a disappointment," Daley said.

He said he knew the conviction does not reflect well on the city or his administration.

"For that, I am sorry," Daley said. 

UPDATE: Capitol Fax asks: "Is that really an apology?"  Good point.  Apologizing for the disappointment caused by your actions isn't quite the same as apologizing for the actions themselves.  

Earlier this month, Illinois Campaign for Political Reform’s David Morrison told us that legislation to strengthen the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and make certain Inspector General probes public, both of which moved forward last week, would greatly improve oversight and accountability in Springfield. But to mend the Prairie State’s ways, he added, “we need campaign finance reform.” In her column yesterday, the Sun-Times’ Carol Marin echoed those sentiments:

It’s time for Quinn’s Reform Commission, headed by former U.S. Attorney Pat Collins, to hurry up and write a piece of tough-minded legislation.

And time for the joint legislative ethics commission convened by [Speaker Michael] Madigan and Senate President John Cullerton to admit they’re only in business to make sure not too much reform happens when it comes to the money.

Attorney General Lisa Madigan has spearheaded the FOIA legislation, as well as a separate bill to protect the Public Access Counselor position. But where does she stand on the various campaign finance reform proposals circulating in Springfield?

So far, she’s lining up behind State Rep. Harry Osterman’s HB 24, which would cap individual contributions at $2,300 and union, corporate, and interest group donations at $5,000.

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